The Cuban Gestapo Mafia in Honduras
By Dr. Néstor García Iturbe
When analyzing the events that resulted in the sly thuggery which took place in Honduras, we can hardly fail to be surprised by the number of Cuban exiles who are part of what’s been called the Gestapo mafia, and appear to be involved in the terrible events in which the will of the Honduran people has been short-circuited.
According to the criteria of these people, who acted in coordination with the extreme U.S. right wing in the Pentagon and the CIA, it was necessary to impede at all costs any further movement by Zelaya’s government toward the left, since that represented a danger to the “National Security of the United States.” The fastest and most effective remedy at that time was the coup d’etat.
The journalist Carlos Alberto Montaner and the former Undersecretary of State in the George W. Bush government, Otto Reich, were participants in the initial coordination of the armed action. Both were in constant communication with the coup plotters, the first from Miami and the latter from Panama.
The advice was to try to carry out the action as soon as possible, taking care not to kill Zelaya in the process, in order to avoid the worst connotations. Repression was important, but with a minimal loss of life. Leftist forces, especially those of students, workers and campesinos, should be neutralized. Doctors, teachers and anyone having to do with Cuban aid should be suspended at once, and the Cuban communists kicked out of the country. Zelaya and his followers should be shown to be violating the constitution. Elections should be held as soon as possible so that the country could return to normalcy, above all starting from the premise that Zelaya could not run again.
Along with Carlos Alberto Montaner and Otto Reich, another ex-employee of the Bush government, Roger Noriega, helped advise the putschists. The link with Noriega was established through the Venezuelan putschist, Alejandro Peña Esclusa, who, along with two former Argentine military officers maintained frequent contacts with the Honduran military.
A resident of Honduras of Cuban origin with a history of arms and drug trafficking, the CIA agent and terrorist pal of Luis Posada Carriles, Rafael Hernández Nodarse, also known as “Ralph,” facilitated the contacts with the members of the Miami Gestapo mafia.
He owns the Channel 6 television station, located in San Pedro de Sula, Honduras, also known as the Honduran Broadcasting Company. This medium has been the flagship for the campaign against Zelaya, suggesting the dangers in relations between Honduras and Venezuela and Cuba, following the playbook of the CIA station in Tegucigalpa.
It’s important to mention that the Pentagon was also in contact with the putschists, in this case through the U.S. Military Mission to Honduras and Southcom. The Honduran military received more than $30 million dollars in financial aid annually in addition to U.S. expenditures at its base in Soto Cano.
USAID (U.S. Agency for International Development) financed so-called “civil society” in Honduras to the tune of more than $50 million dollars annually. The National Endowment for Democracy (NED and the State Department delivered around $40 million dollars to the main political parties and organizations in Honduras through its International Republic Institute (IRI) and National Democratic Institute (NDI).
The U.S. Ambassador to the Honduran government, Hugo Llorens, was also born in Cuba and in the weeks leading up to the coup met frequently with the coup plotters to analyze the situation developing with Zelaya and devise joint plans with the right wing and Honduran military.
Llorens arrived in the United States when he was seven years old, as part of the CIA’s Operation Peter Pan. He is considered to be a specialist in terrorism. He was the Director of Andean Affairs at the National Security Council under George W. Bush, a post he held during the coup d’etat against Hugo Chávez.
He is a graduate of the National War College and Georgetown University. The time he has put in as a “diplomat” in a variety of countries suggests that he may belong to the CIA, considering that in addition to Honduras, he has been stationed in Bolivia, Paraguay, El Salvador, the Philippines, and Vancouver, Canada; an unusual trajectory for a genuine U.S. diplomat.
It should be remembered that the ambassador had some “small” disagreements with the Honduran thugs, in the last meeting held on June 21, before the coup d’etat. Llorens felt it was not an opportune moment for a military action, however, the putschists didn’t want to risk a further consolidation of power for Zelaya and also had in mind that the United States would try to put together the cleanest possible government, in which many of the soldiers would find no place, and from there they decided to go ahead with the coup rather than continue to wait.
The participation of Ileana Ros-Lehtinen must not be left out of the context of this operation. In recent days she has dedicated herself to being the spokeswoman for the putschists and claiming that it is they who represent true democracy in Honduras. Ileana has met with Honduran congressional representatives and has organized activities for them to expound on the “dangers” of the Zelaya regime and explain that those who are trampling on Honduras’s constitution and laws are really working to “preserve democratic institutions and the rule of law.” In all, explain the inexplicable.
Euphoria reigns on 8th Street in southwest Miami. Meanwhile, the Honduran people continue to demonstrate against the putschists. No-one can say for certain that they’ll win the battle for now, as is our desire and that of all revolutionaries. What is certain is that the people have shown a determination to fight and a willingness to confront their enemies. That is what will assure their victory in the end.
Machetera is a member of Tlaxcala, the network of translators for linguistic diversity. This translation may be reprinted as long as the content remains unaltered, and the source, author, and translator are cited.