For your reading pleasure (and heaven knows you won’t find any of this in the English language press), Machetera’s translation of today’s article about Colombia’s attack on Ecuador, by Angel Palacios, from rebelion.org, and originally from injerencia.com.
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Bush’s Hand Behind the Murder of Raúl Reyes
The recent military operation that took the life of the FARC commandante, Raúl Reyes, and around 20 FARC members, is part of a well-orchestrated U.S. campaign to impose the Free Trade Agreement and weaken the region’s revolutionary process. U.S. spy planes directed the military operation, violating Ecuador’s airspace. Researching the Bush government’s participation is key to uncovering the strings that were pulled to unravel the humanitarian process heading toward peace. The empire’s desperation indicates new attacks.
Who Located Raúl Reyes’ Encampment? Uribe or the CIA?
The location of the FARC encampment and generally speaking, most of the intelligence work that arranged the massacre that took the life of Raúl Reyes and other FARC members, was NOT done by the Colombian government. Colombia’s own Defense Minister, in his first public announcement about the operation said: “Through human sources and information verified by State intelligence, the Colombian government realized that guerrillas from the FARC Front 48 had been found near the Ecuadoran border in a place called Granada.” Read that carefully. “Information verified by State intelligence.” At no time was it stated that this evidence was collected, nor obtained, nor treated as work of the government’s intelligence agency, but verified. In other words, someone figured out the exact coordinates (geospatial position, degrees, latitude) and gave it to the army. This detail is very important. In the military world there are five phases to intelligence work: planning, collecting, processing, analyzing and final distribution of intelligence reports. According to the Defense Minister, they did not do the intelligence work, they only received it and verified or proved it to be true. Then who did the intelligence work?
Foreign Spy Planes Coordinated the Action
Certain reports, “inconvenient” for the Colombian government, have filtered through to the media, revealing more than Uribe and his bosses in Washington intended. One of these reports came to light on March 1, in a report on Channel One News. Let’s look at what is said in one of the fragments presented as “unedited details of the operation”. The reporter says: “February 20, only 10 days ago, (Colombian) Army intelligence knew that Commandante Raúl Reyes was in Sucumbíos province, in Ecuador. Agents analyzed photographs taken by foreign spy planes in Ecuadoran territory.” Listen well. “Foreign spy planes!” And this report was based on information collected from the Colombian army! The participation of a foreign country making overflights in spy planes over Ecuadoran territory is not immaterial and the technology required leaves no doubt about which foreign country did it: the United States, whose intelligence agencies directed the operations against the FARC. That is to say, it this is not solely to do with a violation of Ecuador’s sovereignty on the Colombian government’s part when it bombed, killed and made an incursion into Ecuadoran territory. It has to do with incursion by the U.S. intelligence airplanes into Ecuadoran territory as well. In the coming days more details about the operation should come to light. The confirmation and identification of the overflights is one of the points that the Ecuadoran government should demand clarification on, in the investigation that has been opened.
FTA and Military Offensive: Coincidence?
The military action against the FARC coincides with the visit to Colombia of a nourished group of U.S. officials, headed no more and no less than by two of Bush’s cabinet members: Carlos Gutierrez and Elaine Chao, Secretaries of Commerce and Labor, respectively. What were they doing in Colombia? Trying to gain ground ahead of the U. S. Congress, for the approval of the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Uribe. The strategic importance of the FTA with Colombia was emphasized by Bush himself in his State of the Union speech at the beginning of this year: “These agreements also promote America’s strategic interests…if we fail to pass this agreement, we will embolden the purveyors of false populism in our hemisphere.” It was precisely the main purveyor of the FTA with Colombia, Carlos Gutierrez, who gave the first statement by a member of the U.S. government on the death of Raúl Reyes, sayiing that “this is an example of security advances in Colombia.” The military action began at 12:25 in the morning of the same Saturday in which the members of Bush’s cabinet presented themselves together to Uribe in Medellín, campaigning for Colombia’s entrance into the FTA. Coincidence? To the entire world, it’s illogical that the Colombian government should launch this military offensive just when the process of liberating detainees was on the table and barely two days prior, the FARC had released 4 detainees, strengthening the path toward peace. But for Uribe and Bush’s analysts, this strategic development was something else. The process towards peace in Colombia was not important; rather, the approval of the Free Trade Agreement at whatever cost, to finally tie the Colombian economy to northern interests. And so that the U.S. Congress should approve the signed treaty, Uribe had to be given the image of a successful governor, in control of his country, with a line on insurgents. For that, ingenuity doesn’t fit. This military operation, the gringo presence and the publicity campaign around the death of Raúl Reyes frames Bush’s strategy of “imposing the FTA with blood and fire.” We, as Venezuelans, should be active in the battle of ideas in the streets and in the media, to unmask these strategies, because of course the ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America and the Caribbean) and processes such as our own are a thorn in Bush’s shoe.
The Phone Call That Unmasked Uribe
In this well planned military offensive against the FARC, all the details were covered. One of these details, which fortunately failed, was a trick to make the world think that the Ecuadoran president had been in on the operation, or that he had had prior knowledge of its execution. For this, Uribe called him by telephone after everything had taken place, giving him the idea that his call was urgent. But if it had been urgent, it would have happened at 12:30 in the morning, when the attack began, or even days beforehand, when the plan was prepared and the location finalized. Telling President Correa after the fact, Uribe and Bush planted the idea in public opinion that Correa “knew” and therefore it wasn’t really a violation of Ecuador’s territory. That phone call would sow the seeds of doubt among Ecuadorans about whether Correa was or wasn’t up to date, and later his denunciation of the territorial violation by Colombia would lose some of its force. But this time by chance, it happened that President Correa received the call while he was speaking live on television and millions of Ecuadorans corroborated that their president received the call at 8:45 a.m., eight hours after the attack began. No doubt whatsoever remained for anyone, that the Ecuadoran government had known anything about the operation. And to finally unmask the plan, when the Ecuadoran President Correa sent an investigative mission to the site, it found that the killers from Uribe’s army had left 15 lifeless corpses and two wounded women in the Ecuadoran jungle, taking with them only the cadaver of Raúl Reyes to present his pictures like a hunting trophy.
And the Dead Soldier and the Other Loose Ends?
While the lifeless corpse of Raúl Reyes was being transported in a black bag to a photography set prepared by Uribe’s soldiers, another cadaver was being being quickly made up, put in an urn and shown with a column of floral offerings and dress uniforms. This had to do with the soldier Carlos Hernández of whom it was only said that he had died in “combat”. And why was there no autopsy? Why was there no mention of a medical report? In what “combat” did he die? Why the hurry to stuff him in an urn without giving any details of the circumstances of this death in an operation that was more a massacre than anything else and where all the indications are that there was no “combat”. For another thing, Uribe and the Colombian Defense Minister made it known that they’d “achieved infiltration of Raúl Reyes’ group with army operatives.” Then what happened to them? Did they die as well in the aerial bombardment? Is the soldier Carlos Hernández one of them, and they’ve made it seem as though he was a “combat fatality”?
Killing Raúl Reyes and His Image
The news of Raúl Reyes’ death has occupied the front pages in the media and in the majority of them it has been accompanied by plentiful charges with which those in the Colombian government have tried to criminalize the image of the FARC commander. For Bush and Uribe it was important not only to kill the man, but his image, that of a visible face on a proposal from the insurgents that was gaining ground towards a peaceful exit. The character of the FARC leader Raúl Reyes in a humanitarian exchange brought with it the establishment of contact just a few short weeks ago via a satellite telephone (the same with which they tracked him) with some U.S. Democrats, looking for alliances that would oblige Uribe to come to the dialogue for peace. Telephone contacts the CIA did not fail to monitor in the preparation of the attack plan. And on this point one must stop a moment to understand who the present director of the Central Intelligence Agency is: General Michael Hayden, expert in signal interception, who not very many years ago was obliged to declare under Senate questioning his plan to listen to phone calls within the United States. This person is one of the major defenders of the practice of electronic and signals intelligence, which in plain language is nothing more than the interception of communications. That’s how notoriously asinine the gringos are in infiltrating agents without being discovered; it must be clear that their strength is in espionage based in technology, and when it comes to tracking communications, they don’t fail. For forty years, thanks to their satellites, their space agency, and their U2 spy planes they’ve been capable of seeing the face of a Russian soldier in video and in real time. Four decades have passed and the technological advances they count on are incalculable. From there, the survival of liberation movements depends on their capacity to operate with extreme care (including avoiding) their communications, whether by telephone or Internet. But in the case of Raúl Reyes who had the mission of coordinating a humanitarian liberation, the use of a telephone was imperative in order to maintain communications that would lead to the liberation of various detainees, and with the lowest possible motives the gringos and their puppet Uribe took advantage of the humanitarian circumstances to follow that track and crush it. Another of the strategies that have accompanied Uribe’s publicity campaign has been to silence the sources of information where the FARC’s voice had been able to express itself prior to Saturday’s massacre. If you wish to prove it, try to go to the web page for the magazine Resistencia, or to the Agencia de Noticias Nueva Colombia or a dozen other websites through which information was divulged about the communications of the FARC secretariat. They were blocked, simply erased from the Web. And who has the technology to do that? Uribe and the narco-military?
Uribe, Bush and the FTA: Shooting From the Ass
It came out bad, really bad, this game of Uribe’s and Bush. The action against the FARC hasn’t brought world public opinion together as they’d hoped. The true basis for the military action is discovered with each new piece of information that comes out, in its true form: A massacre to support a political maneuver. A massacre against guerrillas while they were sleeping, without so much as a raised voice, violating foreign territory, with the use of U.S. spy planes. The voices of President Correa and his government, the blunt denunciation from President Chávez and the withdrawal of his embassy, the reports of the massacre brought from the site by the Ecuadoran army, the position of the French president and the recently liberated Colombians, are just a few of the voices that keep appearing, in repudiation of the state terrorism practiced by Uribe. What needs to be investigated is the participation of the Bush government in order to uncover the strings that move the puppet Colombian government.
For the moment, a few things remain clear: We are not facing a military action of the Colombian government: this has to do with a political-military action of the Bush government. It’s not an isolated operation. It’s a massacre that forms part of a greater plan to impose the FTA, raze the peace process and weaken the proposed ALBA and the revolutionary process in the region. This doesn’t stop here; Uribe is drowning in his own shit but Bush won’t let his student drown without trying to save him, because saving Uribe is, for Bush, saving the FTA. This is how one must prepare oneself for the scenarios in which the empire may commit actions even larger with the aim of conquering the markets and regional hegemony. Bush isn’t crazy; he’s desperate. And in the desperation of his defeat lies the explanation for his criminal actions.
Within a day of the massacre, the image of Raúl Reyes that was circulating through the streets and towns was nothing less than the hope of peace and justice for Colombia. No matter what Bush’s puppets say.